{"id":17766,"date":"2020-02-09T22:55:26","date_gmt":"2020-02-10T03:55:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/english.kadivar.com\/?p=17766"},"modified":"2020-02-10T07:27:32","modified_gmt":"2020-02-10T12:27:32","slug":"islamic-governance-in-theory-and-practice","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/english.kadivar.com\/2020\/02\/09\/islamic-governance-in-theory-and-practice\/","title":{"rendered":"Islamic Governance in Theory and Practice"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

This is a narrative of an \u2018insider\u2019 of the revolution\nof 1979 and in the Islamic Republic of Iran. \u201cWhat went wrong in Islamic\nRepublic of Iran?\u201d is the major question that I am trying to answer. My\nresponse is \u2018theocracy\u2019, which entails an ideological understanding of Islam,\nmisunderstanding of the key-concept of law, replacing it with decrees of\njurist-ruler, implementing sharia as state law, having the dream of \u201cIslam is\nthe solution\u201d, and ignoring modernity. My presentation is rooted in my personal\nexperience of the revolution of 1979 and Islamic Republic of Iran. I started as\na devotee of revolution, tried to reform the post-revolutionary regime through\nIslamic knowledge, and now am thinking on the structural reform in Islamic theology and ethics, and\na secular democratic regime. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Let\u2019s start with\n\u201cThe Revolution of 1979\u201d. We can compare four terminologies used to describe this\ngreat event: revolution of Iranians, Islamic revolution, revolutions of Iranian\nShi\u2019ite clergies, and revolution of Ayatollah Khomeini (nihzat-i Imam Khomeini<\/em>). These are not only abstract labels but\nindicate four different understandings of revolution. They are the processes of\nevolutions from a public national event for Iranians – that the majority of\nthem were Muslims and had religious motives too – to a personal leader-oriented\nregime. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

We should not\nforget that the policies of Pahlavai dynasty, CIA-sponsored coup of 1953\nagainst liberal nationalist prime-minister Mohammad Mosaddeq had the most important\nimpact on providing the context in Iran for the idea of Islamic governance with\nan intense anti-US tendency. If that liberal secular government could had\ncontinued, if the arbitrary rule of Shah for 25 years was not imposed on Iranians,\nif all constitutional freedom of Iranians were not banned by a \u2018client state\u2019, we\nwould not have Islamic governance. Who should be blamed?! This big mistake\nshould not be repeated. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

A realistic\nanalysis depends on understanding the role of other internal and external\nplayers in the event such as Marxist militant groups and Saddam Hussain. Also,\nthere were two different approaches among the Iranian Muslim revolutionary\nactivists on that time, fundamentalists and somehow liberal Islamists. The\npolitical atmosphere was foggy and ambiguous. The revolutionary Muslim\nfundamentalists hijacked the new regime at least since 1981. We should\ndistinguish Islamic Republic from the revolution of 1979. It is famous that the\nrevolution was based on Nahj al-Balagha<\/em> (the sermons, letters and maxims\nof Imam \u2018Ali) virtue-based and the Islamic Republic that is based on Tawdih\nal-Masa\u2019il<\/em> (the handbook of juridical Fatwas). They are completely deferent\nissues, i.e. two different approaches to Islam.         <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Islamic\nRepublic suffers from four major shortcomings from the beginning. I discuss them\nbriefly as four \u2018dualities\u2019. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The duality of\ncommand and law<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Iranian\ntheocracy has been based on the ruler\u2019s command not on the rule of law. The\nruler\u2019s command is above constitution and other rules. The rules are made for\nrestriction of the citizens, not limiting the rulers\u2019 power. The law in the terminology\nof Ayatollah Khomeini is Islamic ordinances, not bills made by parliament. The ruler\u2019s\ncommand is practically divine and infallible, but man-made rule is corrigible. We\ncan examine this vital point in regards to three governmental branches, i.e.\nlegislative power, judiciary power, and executive power; and demonstrate that\nthere is no separation of powers at all under the centrality of jurist-ruler\u2019s\ncommand. This is the first key-concept of the Islamic Republic of Iran.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The clerical\naristocracy or the guardianship of the jurist-ruler (wilayat faqih<\/em>)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guardianship of\nthe jurist-ruler means the absolute superiority of the jurist-ruler\u2019s decision over\nthe decisions of the representatives of the citizens. This style of ruling is\nin direct opposition to democracy. Under this system of rule, the votes of the\ncitizens are respected, if and only if they do not violate the commands or even\nintentions of the jurist-ruler. The jurist ruler and his representatives have\nveto power in any area of the public domain. Of course, semi-democracy is\naccepted under the umbrella of the guardianship of the jurist-ruler, but not\nabove it. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Islamic\nRepublic is a competitive-authoritarian or electoral-authoritarian regime with facade democracy or quasi democracy. It is a hybrid regime. The so-called Islamic theocracy is incompatible\nwith democracy in several respects. First Islamic theocracy lacks any\ninstitutions for the people’s supervision of government. Second, it reduces\npopular sovereignty to the public sovereignty of Muslims. Third, it excludes\nwomen from positions that traditional sharia<\/em>\nbans them from holding. Fourth, Islamic theocracy violates the principle of\npolitical equality in terms of religious discrimination, gender discrimination,\nand discrimination based on the authority of Islamic jurists. Fifth Islamic theocracy\nviolates the principle of public decision-making about regulations and policies\nin all matters. It was the second key-concept. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Implementation\nof Shari\u2019a<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Shari\u2019a<\/em> has been understood as the rules\nof the theocracy. These religious or divine rules are unchangeable and specify\nthe duties of human beings toward themselves, toward God, and toward each\nother. The jurists infer Shari\u2019a<\/em> as a\nset of law\/rules from the Qur\u2019an, the tradition of the prophets, the teachings\nof the Shi\u2019ite Imams, and the reason (\u2018aql<\/em>). Shari\u2019a<\/em> is\nunderstood not only as law, but also codified law, and more than this as state\nlaw, and all of them are wrong! The fixed rigid corpus of law which belonged to\nearly Islam does not work in other conditions and contexts. Shari\u2019a <\/em>is\nmerged with diversity, and free will of the believers in the temporal world.\nMaking it obligatory as state law that is based on governmental force and\npunishment ruins it completely. Power, especially absolute power destroys Shari\u2019a<\/em>\nand changes godliness and piety to hypocrisy and duplicity. Shari\u2019a <\/em>is a\nvery strong element in monitoring and criticizing political power, but it will be\nthe first victim of Islamic governance.    \n <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayatollah\nKhomeini understood very soon that traditional Shari\u2019a<\/em> does not work as\nlaw in modern times, he thought that using secondary ordinances such as\nnecessity determined by the high majority of the parliament could be a\nsolution. The secondary ordinances block and freeze the primary Shari\u2019a<\/em>\nordinances in the time of necessity. But administration could not be based on\nsuch a restricted technique.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He favored a new\ntechnique called expediency-based ordinances or governmental ordinances. It is\na new version of wilayat fagih<\/em>, the absolute guardianship of jurist\nruler. His authority is not only over the constitution, but also over Shari\u2019a<\/em>.\nFor achieving the expediency of the regime or system, or Islam or Muslims, the\njurist ruler has this right to suspend the primary Shari\u2019a<\/em> ordinances.\nIt includes all primary rituals such as pilgrimage or prayer, or human interactions\nsuch as business or partnership in investment and profit (mudaribah<\/em>).\nThe protection of the regime takes precedence i.e. above everything including overall\nShari\u2019a<\/em> ordinances. It was a revolutionary invocation and so effective\nfor resolving the problems of Islamic Republic quickly. But it is the starting\npoint of secularization of Shi\u2019ite fiqh<\/em> by the hand of the funder of\nIslamic Republic. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Taking into\naccount the regime expediency is the habit of any nation state, but here there\nare at least two concerns. First by which criterion does the jurist ruler\ndecide the final decision for this authoritative expediency ordinance? The fiqh<\/em>\ndoes not give him this ability. This is secular knowledge and modern sciences\nrelated to administration and complex social engineering. Second why do we need\njurist ruler and Islamic governance if traditional Shari\u2019a<\/em> is unable of\nresolving socio-political problems? I think Ayatollah Khomeini ended himself what\nhe started. T<\/strong>he was the third key-concept. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The slogan of\n\u201cIslam as the Solution of Everything\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This slogan\nreduces modern sciences to the designed traps of the adversarial West aiming to\ndestroy Islam. This pessimistic opinion about empirical sciences, humanities\nand social sciences, and consequently distrusting modern sciences, makes\ntraditional Islamic sciences, especially fiqh,<\/em>\nthe major source of decision-making in public domain. The first accused\nsciences were political sciences, economics, law, sociology, managements, and\nrecently environment. In contrast, ideologues of the Islamic Republic started\nto establish \u2018Islamic humanities\u2019 or \u2018Islamic social sciences\u2019, and even\n\u2018Islamic sciences\u2019 (including empirical sciences), repeating the discredited\nexperience of the Soviet Union in 20th<\/sup> century.  This is the clear consequence of turning\ntheir back to the modern sciences because of western roots of these sciences.\nAccording to this ignorance and misunderstanding of modernity, democracy and\nhuman rights are only two products of this \u2018western ideology\u2019 that should be\nrejected! As a result, ideologues of the Islamic Republic spoke of concepts\nsuch as \u2018Islamic democracy\u2019, and \u2018Islamic human rights\u2019 which are\nanti-democracy and anti-human rights.This was the fourth key-concept. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

What I described could be called the crisis of legitimacy and credibility of the theory and practice of Islamic governance in Shi\u2019ite thought. I want to finish my paper with hope and a solution. Islamic thought needs deep reform. <\/p>\n\n\n\nSharia is virtues, ethical values, and moral norms that the scripture and the Prophet outlined. Virtues, ethical values, and moral norms are permanent. Shari\u2019a <\/em>should be understood as a virtue-based not in a law-based framework. Secularism at least in its American model protects religiosity of the citizens better than theocracy. Secularism or mosque-state differentiation is the approach of liberal Muslims in politics for protecting faith and ethics. In this model, Muslims are able to follow their political goals in civil society in equal and fair competitions.\n\nIslam as the religion of mercy, dignity, justice, peace and love represents its beauty through 1) a reconstructed theology based on the love of One God, 2) Shari\u2019a<\/em> as the set of virtues and moral values, and 3) secular nation-state. It is structural reform from inside by the hands and investment and design of Iranians.\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Iran’s 1979 Revolution: 40 Years Onward<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Iranian Studies Program, MacMillan Center, Yale University<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Feb 7, 2019<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

This is a narrative of an \u2018insider\u2019 of the revolution of 1979 and in the Islamic Republic of Iran. \u201cWhat went wrong in Islamic Republic of Iran?\u201d is the major question that I am trying to answer. My response is \u2018theocracy\u2019, which entails an ideological understanding of Islam, misunderstanding of the key-concept of law, replacing it with decrees of jurist-ruler, implementing sharia as state law, having the dream of \u201cIslam is the solution\u201d, and ignoring modernity. My presentation is rooted in my personal experience of the revolution and Islamic Republic.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7,"featured_media":17768,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":true,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[5090],"tags":[5167,5168,5133,5148],"yoast_head":"\nIslamic Governance in Theory and Practice - Kadivar.com English<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/english.kadivar.com\/2020\/02\/09\/islamic-governance-in-theory-and-practice\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Islamic Governance in Theory and Practice - Kadivar.com English\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"This is a narrative of an \u2018insider\u2019 of the revolution of 1979 and in the Islamic Republic of Iran. \u201cWhat went wrong in Islamic Republic of Iran?\u201d is the major question that I am trying to answer. My response is \u2018theocracy\u2019, which entails an ideological understanding of Islam, misunderstanding of the key-concept of law, replacing it with decrees of jurist-ruler, implementing sharia as state law, having the dream of \u201cIslam is the solution\u201d, and ignoring modernity. 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