2nd March 2024
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Islam and the State from a Shi’ite perspective

The article details the perspective of Ja’fari Shi’ite Muslims and delves into the history of Shi’ism, the separation of religious and profane affairs, the guardianship of the jurists, Shi’ism within a constitutionalist context, political Shi’ism in a secular context, and Islamic republic. The author’s thorough historical overview is followed by a discussion of political theories of Shi’ite authorities after constitutionalism and the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran, specifically theories proposed by Khorasani and Khomeini, and how other Shi’ite scholars differ from these two groups of thought.
Within ‘Structural Ijtihad’, all juristic arguments on marriage and the validity of all derived rulings should be tested against four criteria: reasonability, justice, ethics, and effectiveness, all according to contemporary standards of justice and social realities. The author applies structural ijtihad to four contested areas of marriage (child marriage, rights and duties in marriage, divorce, and polygamy) to demonstrate the implementation of these criteria. In contrast to traditional fiqh, applying the structural ijtihad approach can preserve principles and standards within the tradition while adequately addressing today’s needs, contexts, and standards.
While the Qur'an and the practical tradition of the Prophet strongly support freedom of expression and critique of religion, serious obstacles to the realization of freedom of expression and critique of religion are not easily deniable in the hadiths, conventional Islamic sciences, and the lived experiences of Muslims throughout the history. There is no red line or any restrictions for a scholarly critique of Islam in academic circles, while for the mass audience, there are restrictions that will not shake the faith of people due to weak public information.
According to the Qur’an, human dignity is universal, regardless of religion, sect, piety, gender, race, and color. It is an essential character of humanity, allowing humans to take on the role of stewardship. The human soul is the bearer of dignity and has the potential to reason and distinguish between good and evil. The human species is noble because of the soul that God breathed into it. Human dignity and human original nature (fiṭrah) are two sides of one coin. There is a link between divine trust and human dignity.
Anything that we call Islamic today must be reasonable, just, moral, and more functional according to the conventions of the present time. The main problem of traditional Islam is that it is living in the 21st century while breathing in the atmosphere of several centuries ago. It is possible to have a reading of the Qur’an and the Tradition of the Prophet and a methodology in ijtihad and jurisprudence that is consistent with the criteria of human rights. A critical and detailed introduction has been added to the new edition.
The range of topics implicated by the “meaning of life” as essentials of Islamic philosophy and theology includes the features of the good life; true happiness; the quest for eternity and not to be forgotten; overcoming loneliness and alienation; peacefulness; seeking truth and reducing suffering; living in a purposeful universe; free will; the ultimate purpose of the human life; necessary cause for moral obligations; faith and reason; human dignity; the quest for absolute beauty and good; knowing the Beginning and the Return; the observation of transcendence and immanence.
What is the relationship between religion and politics in general and Islam and politics in particular? What does ‘political Islam’ or ‘Islamism mean’? What was Khomeini’s political thought? What does theocracy do with secularism and democracy? What is the role of election in a quasi-democratic regime? How did regime expediency secularize the administration? What is the relationship between civil law and Islamic law (sharia)? Why did the Islamic Republic of Iran transform from a competitive electoral to a non-competitive electoral authoritarian regime?
This is the fourth big protest since 2019 in Iran. Iranians are outraged with grievances that won’t soon go away. This is not only about freedom for women (especially their hair covering), but freedom for the country from the ruling of the minority over the majority, freedom of a style of life, against the mandatory style of life. The majority of Iranians support a democratic, secular regime. The government blocked all the ways of reforms. There’s no way for the people, except to come to the streets and protest.
This country-wide revolt is against not only the brutal murder of Mahsa but also the essence of the so-called Islamic regime. The demand is loud and clear: an end to a theocratic regime whose multi-faceted violence against marginalized bodies is manifested in Mahsa’s death. Protestors are chanting “women, life, freedom.” Creating and sustaining such a continuum requires recognition of the intersectional struggles that women and other marginalized bodies are experiencing in countries such as Iran and under the current Islamic theocracy. We insist on a queer-feminist, anti-capitalist, and anti-fascist agenda.
I strongly condemn today's bloody attack on Salman Rushdie, the author of Satanic Verses in New York. Based on Islamic and Quranic teachings, this illegitimate attempt is condemned. The way to deal with false thoughts is scientific criticism, not physical elimination. “The bloody fatwas against Kasravi, Taha, Fawda and Taqī, as well as the legal rulings to kill Rushdie and Abū Zayd, must be publicly condemned to prevent their recurrence, for they only weakened and harmed Islam. Issuing such fatwas is a sign of the inability to provide a rebuttal.”
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